Detained fishermen are languishing for nothing, says Abdullah Khoso
On October 11 2008, seven Indians arrived at Karachi’s ? Airport. The government of Gujrat, India, on behalf of Indian boat owners, had sent these men to recover confiscated boats – the poor Indian fishermen who used them now being in Pakistani jails. The purpose of the delegation was to survey the conditions of the confiscated boats for possible auction. Yet, they also brought with them letters from family members, for their loved ones now behind bars. “I will be looked on with suspicion if we are not successful in meeting with machawara (fishers),” Bharat Modi, a member of the delegate, confessed. “When I was leaving the village for the airport, to travel to Karachi, hundreds of fisherwomen gathered at my home, all wanting me to give messages to their relatives.”
According to Modi, 434 Indian fishermen now languish in Pakistani jails, almost all of them from the small village of Wanak Bara in District Diu of Gujrat, India. “There are mostly women left in the village,” Modi said. “All their men are in Pakistani jails.” And it’s not just the men. The boats they used – some 326 of them – were taken into the possession of Pakistani authorities. Of these, 186 boats have already been auctioned in Pakistani markets. On the other side of the border, a similar syndrome is in effect, though in lesser numbers. Official records list eight Pakistani fishermen in Indian jails, but the unofficial count is 55, said Veligi Masani, the leader of the Indian delegation. Eighty-seven Pakistani boats are also held by the Indian government.
Although the Indian Delegation was denied access to the detained fishermen – they did not have prior authorisation from the Sindh government -- these arrests are nothing new. Since 1987, both Pakistani and Indian authorities – the MSA in Pakistan, and the Coast Guard, Border Security Force, and the Indian Navy in India – have been arresting each other’s fishermen and confiscating their boats in the Arabian Sea. A total of 4,516 Indian fishers, with 729 boars, have been apprehended by Pakistan over the last 20 years, according to a 2008 study by the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF), a grassroots organisation that represents fishermen’s rights.
The rationale behind the arrests borders on ludicrous. The coast guards of the two rival nations officially consider the fishermen as spies or smugglers infringing on their sovereign waters. And so when fishermen unintentionally drift into “enemy” waters – due to engine failure or high tides, or because they are unable to find fish closer to home – they are picked up. But without any form of demarcation, it is difficult for fishermen to gauge exactly where the borders actually lie. What’s more, according to PFF, more often than not, fishermen are arrested even when they are within their country’s territorial boundaries. “Fishers usually do not cross borders, but security agencies violate international maritime laws and take fishers from the fishers’ own home waters,” said Gulab Shah, a fisher folk representative in Thatta District. “They bring more fishers for detention just to show their performance,” he added.
Fisher families maintain that illegal profit-making is also at work. On both sides of the border, agencies impound fishing equipment, fish and boats, often worth more than six or seven lakh, and then sell these in the market. In an ironic twist, the money gained from the sales is shared between Indian and Pakistan coast guard authorities.
In one of the more recent detentions, eight Pakistani fishers were captured in August 2008, and are now being held in Bhej Jail, Gujrat. Among those arrested was a 10-year-old boy. Days later, a 13-year-old boy, along with four other fishermen, were detained. On October 31, the Indian Coast Guard seized a Pakistani boat carrying seven crewmembers near Kajhar Creek, within Pakistani territorial limits.
On both sides of border, heart-wrenching stories abound. Many of those detained are the sole breadwinner in their family, yet it sometimes takes years for families to discover what happened to their husbands, brothers and sons. Janat, a resident of Rehri Goth, a coastal village of Karachi, did not know what happened to her husband, Achar, for four years, finally learning of his fate from a letter he sent from prison. Achar was arrested 15 years ago, and remains in an Indian prison today. The verdict, reached in 2006, was narcotics smuggling, Achar wrote in a letter to his wife. It took the Indian justice system 13 years to bring the case to court.
Achar’s mother, Mai Asi, 90, can only pray that she will be able to see Achar and his brother, who was also arrested 15 years ago, again. “One day Allah will send me back my children, she said with tears rolling down her wrinkled cheeks. “What can I do but pray for their safety and long life?” Mai Asi’s husband died of shock after he learnt of his two sons’ arrests, Janat, Achar’s wife, said.
On May 10 1999, Usman Sacho, Nawaz, Usman Ali and Zaman Khan, all of Karochan, Thatta District, went fishing and did not return. Five years later, in 2004, Usman Sacho’s family received a letter from Usman, telling them that the four men were alive and detained in Sabir Matti Jail in Ahmedabad, Gujrat under charges of smuggling. In his letter, Usman wrote, “We get very little to eat. Even our enemies should not have to stay in such a jail.”
A PFF representative, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said that jail conditions were poor and justice slow or nonexistent for fishers. With no one to pursue or support their cases, the fisher folk are a low priority. And, the representative said, “if anyone tries to approach or help them, he is looked on suspiciously and considered a spy.”
Another representative of PFF admitted that working for the detained fishermen was an onerous task. “Disclosing news about Indian fishers arrested by Pakistani agencies is not a big deal,” he said. “The problem arises when the media publishes news of Pakistani fishers arrested by Indian agencies quoting PFF as a source.” The office’s phones start ringing non-stop with intelligence officers interrogating them over the phone, he said, adding that PFF was threatened to reveal their sources. “Our answer remains the same, we learnt it through the internet and their [the captured men’s] fellow fishers.”
According to PFF, Indian and Pakistani forces have killed18 Pakistani and four Indian fishermen, respectively, over the last 18 years. Yet, there are simple solutions that could put an end to this tragic and unnecessary waste of life. That disenfranchised fishermen should be killed or held for years in prison without charge is a humanitarian atrocity, and more must be done to protect the civil rights of fishing communities, both in India and in Pakistan.
At the very least, a mechanism through which information can be passed in a timely manner to effected families must be put in place. Better, the families should be provided with economic relief. Each country must also improve their management of fisheries within their Economic Exclusive Zone to reduce pressure on fishermen to cross the border in search of a better catch. A bilateral solution must be reached. Published in the Friday Times
Friday, December 5, 2008
Tuesday, November 18, 2008
Shelter from the storm no longer
As Sindh’s coastal mangroves are denuded, Karachi is becoming increasingly vulnerable to natural disaster, says Abdullah Khoso
Over the last 60 years, Pakistan’s coastal mangrove ecosystem has been slowly but surely destroyed. From its source high in the Himalayas to its mouth at Kotri Barrage, the Indus has been robbed of its water – diverted for agricultural and development purposes, results of a poor national policy that has little regard for environmental protection – and the mangroves of Sindh’s coastal belt have paid the price.
In recent weeks, huge swaths of mangrove forest in the vicinity of Ibrahim Hyderi and Rehri Goath villages, outside Karachi, have been chopped down. “Each day I see big donkey carts loaded with wood pass through the streets unchecked by the forest guard,” says Ustad Mohammad Yousid, a member of the local fishing community there.
Ninety-seven per cent of all mangrove trees in Pakistan grow within 600,000 hectares of the Indus Delta, which begins at Sir Creek in Badin, northwest of Karachi. With no consensual policy on water supply between the provinces, however, water diversions upriver have swirled out of control; and according to International Union for the Conservation of Nature estimates, 27 million acre feet of water is needed if the mangrove forest of the Indus delta, the sixth largest in the world, is to survive. The mangroves are literally dying of thirst. Yet, it is not too late to save them.
Since the late 1950s, it has been the responsibility of the Sindh Forest Department to safeguard the mangroves – yet, it is unclear whether the department is doing its job, and signs point negative. But the department is not entirely at fault. Lacking control of much of the delta and coastal areas, and suffering from a dearth of resources, there is little the department can do without a marked increase in forest guards and the support of new legislation to grant them complete authority over the mangrove forests of the Sindh coast.
This is where the problem begins. At present, large portions of coastal land, home to thick mangrove forests, fall under the jurisdiction of three powerful agencies – the Defense Housing Authority (DHA), the Karachi Port Trust (KPT) and the Land Revenue Department (LRD). Unfortunately for Pakistan, these agencies have made development a priority, to the detriment of the mangroves, and to the environment. And why, one might ask, should anyone outside the odd arborist care? The answer is easy. Without the buffer zone provided by the mangroves, Karachiites and those in surrounding communities are left naked to such natural disasters as tsunamis and cyclones. If we need a precedent, we need only look to New Orleans, in the United States. Hurricane Katrina’s devastating gusts and rains, which destroyed much of the city in 2006, the aftermath of which is still visible today, was due in part to the deforestation of mangroves in the Mississippi Delta.
As our agencies dig Karachi deeper into potential disaster, moreover, the land mafia is in full swing, filling in the sea with solid waste, and then leveling and surrounding it with walls. Take, for instance, the Pakistan Oil Refinery and Korangi Fish Harbour at Ibrahim Hyderi. The City District Government Karachi (CDGK) is performing its role as earth filler, and every day dozens of CDGK trucks haul in the city's solid waste, dumping it into the sea, not only at Ibrahim Hydri but at Juma Goth, Jatt Goth, Chashma Goth and Rehri -- all part of a deliberate effort to fill in and occupy these areas.
This has caused difficulties for, and stoked the concerns of, local communities. Human residences are creeping ever closer to the mangrove clusters, and at some locales, this has lead to thoughtless deforestation for commercial purposes; at others, mangroves are already within boundary walls and are dying for lack of water – which is kept out by those same walls. And it does not stop at increased threats to the environment and to Karachi’s infrastructure. The waste unloaded by CDGK trucks have caused eye diseases, skin conditions, allergies and other health problems among the local populations. The fishermen of the area have suffered in particular; for, with thousands of tonnes of solid and urban waste and industrial chemicals being dumped into the Arabian Sea via rivers and streams every day, fish stocks have plummeted.
When I, together with two other activists from the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF), went to investigate the allegations of deforestation at Ibrahim Hyderi in July, we found some 20 axmen at work amidst a mob of mosquitoes. They had been cutting trees for months, they said, adding that they usually began in the morning and continued chopping wood all day, leaving either in the evening or early the next morning for market to sell the lumber. Per cart, they told us, they earn about Rs 1,000-1,500. According to Abdullah Mallah of Rehari Goth village, mangrove deforestation has turned to commercial purposes only recently. Ten years ago, fishermen cut mangroves for fuel and fodder purposes; but now, due to rising unemployment among other factors, others, too, have begun to cut trees, selling them off for profit. Much of the transports of lumber occurs under the cover of darkness, taken to local factories, which process dry wood into fuel for large scale chicken-feed manufacturers and use the wet wood in boat construction.
Although forest guards from the Sindh Forest Department are responsible for stopping such behaviour, residents of Ibrahim Hyderi almost unanimously report that the guard for their area, Ghulam “Gulo” Muhammad, accepts bribes to turn a blind eye to unauthorised cutting. For every cart Gulo lets pass by, he becomes Rs 100 richer. Yet, even if Gulo was as honest as the next man, there would be problems. For one, it is near impossible for one guard to adequately monitor 250,000 acres of mangroves. Deforestation is difficult to detect, moreover, as the felling of mangrove is done from within the groves, rather than on the periphery.
We met with Gulo in a café in Ibrahim Hyderi, who then accompanied us back to PFF’s office. He told us he had “retired” from the Forestry Department some 10 years ago – the guard now in charge is Maqbool Baloch – but remained on the department’s payroll. Unfortunately, at the first sign of critical questioning, Gulo ceased being cooperative and left the premises
Environmental protection agencies are doing absolutely nothing to halt this rape of our natural resources. Without the action of environmentalists to raise awareness for the plight of our mangroves, there may soon be very few of them left. Source The Friday Times.
Over the last 60 years, Pakistan’s coastal mangrove ecosystem has been slowly but surely destroyed. From its source high in the Himalayas to its mouth at Kotri Barrage, the Indus has been robbed of its water – diverted for agricultural and development purposes, results of a poor national policy that has little regard for environmental protection – and the mangroves of Sindh’s coastal belt have paid the price.
In recent weeks, huge swaths of mangrove forest in the vicinity of Ibrahim Hyderi and Rehri Goath villages, outside Karachi, have been chopped down. “Each day I see big donkey carts loaded with wood pass through the streets unchecked by the forest guard,” says Ustad Mohammad Yousid, a member of the local fishing community there.
Ninety-seven per cent of all mangrove trees in Pakistan grow within 600,000 hectares of the Indus Delta, which begins at Sir Creek in Badin, northwest of Karachi. With no consensual policy on water supply between the provinces, however, water diversions upriver have swirled out of control; and according to International Union for the Conservation of Nature estimates, 27 million acre feet of water is needed if the mangrove forest of the Indus delta, the sixth largest in the world, is to survive. The mangroves are literally dying of thirst. Yet, it is not too late to save them.
Since the late 1950s, it has been the responsibility of the Sindh Forest Department to safeguard the mangroves – yet, it is unclear whether the department is doing its job, and signs point negative. But the department is not entirely at fault. Lacking control of much of the delta and coastal areas, and suffering from a dearth of resources, there is little the department can do without a marked increase in forest guards and the support of new legislation to grant them complete authority over the mangrove forests of the Sindh coast.
This is where the problem begins. At present, large portions of coastal land, home to thick mangrove forests, fall under the jurisdiction of three powerful agencies – the Defense Housing Authority (DHA), the Karachi Port Trust (KPT) and the Land Revenue Department (LRD). Unfortunately for Pakistan, these agencies have made development a priority, to the detriment of the mangroves, and to the environment. And why, one might ask, should anyone outside the odd arborist care? The answer is easy. Without the buffer zone provided by the mangroves, Karachiites and those in surrounding communities are left naked to such natural disasters as tsunamis and cyclones. If we need a precedent, we need only look to New Orleans, in the United States. Hurricane Katrina’s devastating gusts and rains, which destroyed much of the city in 2006, the aftermath of which is still visible today, was due in part to the deforestation of mangroves in the Mississippi Delta.
As our agencies dig Karachi deeper into potential disaster, moreover, the land mafia is in full swing, filling in the sea with solid waste, and then leveling and surrounding it with walls. Take, for instance, the Pakistan Oil Refinery and Korangi Fish Harbour at Ibrahim Hyderi. The City District Government Karachi (CDGK) is performing its role as earth filler, and every day dozens of CDGK trucks haul in the city's solid waste, dumping it into the sea, not only at Ibrahim Hydri but at Juma Goth, Jatt Goth, Chashma Goth and Rehri -- all part of a deliberate effort to fill in and occupy these areas.
This has caused difficulties for, and stoked the concerns of, local communities. Human residences are creeping ever closer to the mangrove clusters, and at some locales, this has lead to thoughtless deforestation for commercial purposes; at others, mangroves are already within boundary walls and are dying for lack of water – which is kept out by those same walls. And it does not stop at increased threats to the environment and to Karachi’s infrastructure. The waste unloaded by CDGK trucks have caused eye diseases, skin conditions, allergies and other health problems among the local populations. The fishermen of the area have suffered in particular; for, with thousands of tonnes of solid and urban waste and industrial chemicals being dumped into the Arabian Sea via rivers and streams every day, fish stocks have plummeted.
When I, together with two other activists from the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF), went to investigate the allegations of deforestation at Ibrahim Hyderi in July, we found some 20 axmen at work amidst a mob of mosquitoes. They had been cutting trees for months, they said, adding that they usually began in the morning and continued chopping wood all day, leaving either in the evening or early the next morning for market to sell the lumber. Per cart, they told us, they earn about Rs 1,000-1,500. According to Abdullah Mallah of Rehari Goth village, mangrove deforestation has turned to commercial purposes only recently. Ten years ago, fishermen cut mangroves for fuel and fodder purposes; but now, due to rising unemployment among other factors, others, too, have begun to cut trees, selling them off for profit. Much of the transports of lumber occurs under the cover of darkness, taken to local factories, which process dry wood into fuel for large scale chicken-feed manufacturers and use the wet wood in boat construction.
Although forest guards from the Sindh Forest Department are responsible for stopping such behaviour, residents of Ibrahim Hyderi almost unanimously report that the guard for their area, Ghulam “Gulo” Muhammad, accepts bribes to turn a blind eye to unauthorised cutting. For every cart Gulo lets pass by, he becomes Rs 100 richer. Yet, even if Gulo was as honest as the next man, there would be problems. For one, it is near impossible for one guard to adequately monitor 250,000 acres of mangroves. Deforestation is difficult to detect, moreover, as the felling of mangrove is done from within the groves, rather than on the periphery.
We met with Gulo in a café in Ibrahim Hyderi, who then accompanied us back to PFF’s office. He told us he had “retired” from the Forestry Department some 10 years ago – the guard now in charge is Maqbool Baloch – but remained on the department’s payroll. Unfortunately, at the first sign of critical questioning, Gulo ceased being cooperative and left the premises
Environmental protection agencies are doing absolutely nothing to halt this rape of our natural resources. Without the action of environmentalists to raise awareness for the plight of our mangroves, there may soon be very few of them left. Source The Friday Times.
Sunday, October 26, 2008
Fisheries delegation returns
The Pakistani delegation have returned home on Monday after taking part in the Global Conference on Securing Sustainable Small Scale Fisheries (4SSF) held from October 13 to 17,2008 in Bangkok, Thailand organized by Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in collaboration with Department of Fisheries Thailand, Southeast Asian Fisheries Development Center (SEAFDEC) and World Fish Center (WFC).
As per detail, Pakistan Fisher folk Forum (PFF) as a member of World Forum of Fisher People (WFFP) took part in the conference attended by delegates from 70 countries including fishers, members of civil society, academics, activists and researchers.
The Pakistani delegation headed by Abdullah Khoso Communication Officer PFF reached in the metropolitan after taking part in the event.
Upon his return, Abdullah shared with his team at PFF that 4SSF began with an aim of a process of developing an approach to small scale fisheries management that bring together perspectives on responsible fisheries with the social development need and rights of fishing communities. While having deliberations on this aim, it was ensured that the approach to fisheries management is gender just is extremely challenging, as the rights of women.
He said that small scale fishing communities and indigenous communities depended on fisheries for life and livelihoods and declared that the human rights of fishing communities were indivisible and that the development of responsible sustainable small scale and indigenous fisheries was possible only if their political, civil, social, economic and cultural rights were addressed in an integrated manner. He advocated that three themes were discussed during the 4SSF, which were Securing Sustainable resources use, and access rights; securing post harvest benefits; securing; securing social, economic and human right.
Giving the further details of the event, the PFF official said that, Dr Plodprasop Suraswadi, Deputy Director General to the Prime Minister of Thailand in his keynote address recognized that fisheries development over the last 100 years had been flawed because the focus had been on fish resources and not on the resources users.
The widespread degradation of marine and physical and living resources and the worsening conflicts among the resources have served as a testimony of a management failure.
Dr Suraswadi stressed on the importance of moving towards a ‘people focused strategy involving the grass roots as partner in the development’ to build upon the strengths of fishers, their commitment to the sustenance of fishery resources, and their familiarity with the fishing ground and the ecosystem, and the governments should not act as their patron.
While, Simon Funge-Smith of the Asia Pacific Fisheries Commission (APFIC) said in his address that the problems arising from interactions between small scale and industrial fisheries were very pressing in the region.
Muhammad Ali Shah, Chairperson PFF, shared that PFF would be part of global surge of fishers for their rights and would stick to the rights based fisheries that encompasses every aspect and every process.
http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/Regional/Karachi/21-Oct-2008/Fisheries-delegation-returns
As per detail, Pakistan Fisher folk Forum (PFF) as a member of World Forum of Fisher People (WFFP) took part in the conference attended by delegates from 70 countries including fishers, members of civil society, academics, activists and researchers.
The Pakistani delegation headed by Abdullah Khoso Communication Officer PFF reached in the metropolitan after taking part in the event.
Upon his return, Abdullah shared with his team at PFF that 4SSF began with an aim of a process of developing an approach to small scale fisheries management that bring together perspectives on responsible fisheries with the social development need and rights of fishing communities. While having deliberations on this aim, it was ensured that the approach to fisheries management is gender just is extremely challenging, as the rights of women.
He said that small scale fishing communities and indigenous communities depended on fisheries for life and livelihoods and declared that the human rights of fishing communities were indivisible and that the development of responsible sustainable small scale and indigenous fisheries was possible only if their political, civil, social, economic and cultural rights were addressed in an integrated manner. He advocated that three themes were discussed during the 4SSF, which were Securing Sustainable resources use, and access rights; securing post harvest benefits; securing; securing social, economic and human right.
Giving the further details of the event, the PFF official said that, Dr Plodprasop Suraswadi, Deputy Director General to the Prime Minister of Thailand in his keynote address recognized that fisheries development over the last 100 years had been flawed because the focus had been on fish resources and not on the resources users.
The widespread degradation of marine and physical and living resources and the worsening conflicts among the resources have served as a testimony of a management failure.
Dr Suraswadi stressed on the importance of moving towards a ‘people focused strategy involving the grass roots as partner in the development’ to build upon the strengths of fishers, their commitment to the sustenance of fishery resources, and their familiarity with the fishing ground and the ecosystem, and the governments should not act as their patron.
While, Simon Funge-Smith of the Asia Pacific Fisheries Commission (APFIC) said in his address that the problems arising from interactions between small scale and industrial fisheries were very pressing in the region.
Muhammad Ali Shah, Chairperson PFF, shared that PFF would be part of global surge of fishers for their rights and would stick to the rights based fisheries that encompasses every aspect and every process.
http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/Regional/Karachi/21-Oct-2008/Fisheries-delegation-returns
Thursday, October 2, 2008
Save Ramsar sites
IN the second week of September about 35 buffaloes wroth Rs 2.5 million died in villages around the Nerri Lake in Badin district. The buffaloes had consumed water from the Nerri Lake.
So far no one has come to help the families who have lost their buffaloes, a source of their income.
Unfortunately, the department and the organisation concerned are not doing anything to save the ecology of the lake, which is being destroyed by the Left Bank Outfall Drainage effluent, as well as by continuous flow of poisonous chemicals from some sugar mills in Badin district.
Since 2004 the LBOD’s poisonous effluent is flowing into the lake, while some sugar mills of Badin district have been pouring dangerous chemicals into it since the 90s. This has destroyed the ecosystem of the lake.
Sadly, there are no treatment plants with these mills. Although the locals, particularly the poor fisherfolks, have shown great concern about the lake being polluted, nothing is being done.
Once this lake had enough flora and fauna and was a great source of livelihoods for the poor fishermen and peasants, but now it is almost ruined.
We are blessed with rich wetlands which have unique biodiversity and habitat. To this day, Pakistan has 19 Ramsar sites which have been seriously degraded over the last 50 years due to unsustainable national policies on water and environment.
I would request government and non — government agencies working on environment in Pakistan to start prompt investigation into the matter and adopt measures to save natural resources of the country. I would also request the Ramsar organisation to help enforce the Convention of Wetlands in Pakistan.
ABDULLAH KHOSO
Karachi
http://dawn.com/2008/10/01/letted.htm#4
So far no one has come to help the families who have lost their buffaloes, a source of their income.
Unfortunately, the department and the organisation concerned are not doing anything to save the ecology of the lake, which is being destroyed by the Left Bank Outfall Drainage effluent, as well as by continuous flow of poisonous chemicals from some sugar mills in Badin district.
Since 2004 the LBOD’s poisonous effluent is flowing into the lake, while some sugar mills of Badin district have been pouring dangerous chemicals into it since the 90s. This has destroyed the ecosystem of the lake.
Sadly, there are no treatment plants with these mills. Although the locals, particularly the poor fisherfolks, have shown great concern about the lake being polluted, nothing is being done.
Once this lake had enough flora and fauna and was a great source of livelihoods for the poor fishermen and peasants, but now it is almost ruined.
We are blessed with rich wetlands which have unique biodiversity and habitat. To this day, Pakistan has 19 Ramsar sites which have been seriously degraded over the last 50 years due to unsustainable national policies on water and environment.
I would request government and non — government agencies working on environment in Pakistan to start prompt investigation into the matter and adopt measures to save natural resources of the country. I would also request the Ramsar organisation to help enforce the Convention of Wetlands in Pakistan.
ABDULLAH KHOSO
Karachi
http://dawn.com/2008/10/01/letted.htm#4
Sunday, August 24, 2008
firstperson
Exposing media fanatics
Self-criticism is a kind of luxury in which most journalists may not indulge in
By Abdullah Khoso
Robert Ferguson has been working as a senior lecturer in Education at the School of Culture, Language and Communication, Institute of Education, University of London, since 1994. He has also been the course leader of the master's programme in Media, Culture and Communication during this period. Ferguson has been in the education sector for the last 24 years. From 1984 to 1994, he worked as the head of Media Studies, Joint Department of English and Media Studies, and the academic head of the Department of Educational Media, Institute of Education, University of London.
Of Robert Ferguson's many books, two are particularly important: Representing Race: Ideology, Identity and the Media and The Media in Question. The former is an analysis of the intellectual and historical base without which understanding the media is impossible. Ferguson tires to situate media discourse in the context of ethnocentrism, orientalism, ideology and representation, and draws on examples from newspapers, films, radio and television. His overview demonstrates a close association between representations of 'normality' and 'ethnocentrism'.
In the latter book, Robert Ferguson examines the contemporary research on media and cultural studies, and its impact in the context of rapid development in media technologies. He points at changing definitions and contexts of media studies through critical investigation. Moreover, Ferguson has been working as a broadcaster for more than two decades. His is currently researching on the representation of history on television. The News on Sunday interviewed him recently. Excerpts follow:
The News on Sunday: How does the European media portray Islam and Muslims?
Robert Ferguson: This, of course, is a difficult question, because there was a time even before 9/11 when there were plenty of people who were aware that it was problematic the way the non-Muslim world saw the Muslim world. Though it has been a problem always, it was treated in a light-hearted way before 9/11. I think that the media, especially newspapers, is much more likely to be ethnocentric or Islamophobist. If you ask most people on the street they will get confused about who is Muslim and who is not, as many people in the United States are confused if anyone asks them where is Iraq. In fact, this becomes a much more virulent kind of ethnocentrism against people seen as the Muslims.
TNS: What kind of debate was initiated in Europe after the publication of caricatures of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) in a Danish newspaper?
RF: What was done in the Danish case has brought to the fore an old debate: if you have the right to speak, how much are you allowed to say, if it offends others? And if you are allowed to say what you like and you will offend others, to what extent should you mind your manners? I think that people need to be responsible; they should be able to say what they want to say, but in a responsible manner. What you should not be able to say, however, is anything that acts against the forces of democracy. For example, no one should be allowed to say all the Jews should be killed, because it is not a democratic thing to say. Democratically, you are not allowed to kill someone. So I do not approve of that; it should not be allowed and it should be illegal.
TNS: Was the publication of the caricatures a responsible and harmless thing to do?
RF: The publication of the caricatures was harmful, as well as irresponsible. In fact, religion was used as a tool to promote ethnocentrism.
TNS: Were there any hidden motives behind the publication of the caricatures?
RF: Denmark has strict immigration policies, which essentially means that it is careful about dark-skinned people. So there is a dimension to this, at least in one respect. Of course, there currently is Islamophobia in the air in Europe. The people are terrified and they have become anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim. A lot of this is based on fear and ignorance. In one sense, this fear is real too, because they have seen so many things happening in the world, such as 9/11. However, equating all the Muslims with terrorism is wrong.
TNS: Can you give us an example of a terrorist act by a Christian fundamentalist?
RF: There are people who are doing it, but they may not be doing it for the sake of Christianity. Their main motivation may not be religious; it may be social. There are fundamentalists who are shooting doctors and surgeons who carry out abortions. They think that they have a religious justification for doing this. Christian fundamentalist groups, such as the Ku Klux Klan, do exist and their ethnocentrism is awful. Fundamentalists are everywhere, in every religion.
TNS: What kind of fear is attached with black people irrespective of their beliefs?
RF: The idea of anti-Muslim is because of an image of a specific person in mind. It is a certain kind of person, by definition a dark-skinned, bearded man wearing a certain kind of gear. We have not constructed such images ourselves; very often we have learned them through the media. People in big cities have not met anybody, but have just seen images on the screen. What they are frightened of is kind of a fanatic that is being projected in newspapers.
TNS: How does the European media deal with an event?
RF: Television news channels will always say, with some justification though, their responsibility is to inform people about what is happening in the world, but details and explanation of that will be in current affair programmes or documentaries. Moreover, there is no time in the news to give details and explanation. The debate, however, is how much explanation one can give in the news and what kind of explanation. There can be many sides, but usually we have to listen to both sides of the argument. There, however, are certain issues in the world about which you necessarily do not listen to both sides or you do listen to both sides but one side seems to be much louder than the other. What we have as news, which is predominantly reporting, is what is going on in the world, but there can always be reporting from another point of view.
TNS: Is the approach of the European media to Muslims getting better or worse?
RF: This question is nearly unanswerable, but we can say it has got worse in recent years, because of a mixture of fear and the fact that this fear is entirely faceless. The European media on the whole has demonised the Muslims, though the Muslims have done fantastic things too.
TNS: How much self-criticism is being exercised in journalism in Europe?
RF: Usually self-criticism and journalism do not go together. If journalists will be self-critical, they will be out of job pretty quickly. Journalists work for different newspapers and different newspapers do things differently. However, we cannot say this about all journalists. Some of them are very reflective and do think. A tiny minority of journalists may even be self-critical but mostly they are critical of society, of how things are going on. Self-criticism is a kind of luxury in which most journalists may not indulge in; it makes them weak or not up to the job. This does not necessarily mean that journalists are responsible for all the bad things in the world or whatever wrongs are being committed against the Muslims, but I am sure that some of them do help.
TNS: How do you see the relationship between the real world and the media?
RF: I do not think that there is any difference between the two; they essentially are the same thing. You can walk into a television studio, with media people watching, recording and cooperating with you. Now representation is becoming part of the real world, part of our existence. It is a fact that the media represents the real world in such a way that it has become part of the real world itself.
TNS: How do you see the future of the media?
RF: Technology is likely to develop so much that we may not be able to conceive yet how sophisticated the media may become, but this will only be a technological development and not necessarily a conceptual development. This may also have an impact on jobs, which, in turn, will influence the way the world operates -- the realities of the world become very harsh when people start to lose their ability to live as they once lived. When the media will become more sophisticated technologically, how it will interact with the people is still very much an unchartered territory. The media will not lead the world neither the world will ever operate now without the media, so the two are stuck.
(Email: abdullahkhoso@hotmail.com)
http://jang.com.pk/thenews/aug2008-weekly/nos-24-08-2008/pol1.htm#3
Friday, August 15, 2008
Pollution through aquaculture
THIS is apropos of Sindh Fisheries Minister Zahid Ali Bhurgari’s statement (July 9) in which he stated that the Sindh government would allot 20,000 acres for the development of aquaculture in the province on modern lines.
The ministry would extend its full support to a project of the federal ministry for food, agriculture and livestock (Minfal) through which model fish and shrimps farms will be set up and the cage system will be introduced in the province. Initially the project would be commenced in Thatta and Badin districts.
In fact, aquaculture or underwater factories or fish farming is the fastest growing food production sector in the world but the notable minister, perhaps, is quite unaware of the dangers of aquaculture. According to the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, the underwater factories have grown three times faster than the land - based animal agriculture.
In the aquafarms, in the ocean, close to shorelines, fish is packed into nets or mesh cages. Packed into cages, the fish remains subject to diseases and pollution. It becomes difficult to manage the pollution and disease issues in the factories.The FAO says that “conditions on aquafarms are so horrendous that on some farms 40 per cent of fish may die before farmers can kill and package them for food”. The aquafarms require more money than the wild-caught fish in the sea, rivers and ponds.Fish lives in the filthy areas. Besides, it pollutes the environment with the fish excrement, chemical-laden fish feed and diseased fish dead bodies.
This type of fish production not only leads to sufferings for the fish and fishers but also to ecological damage.By promoting the underwater factories, a fisherman feels threatened because by doing this the price of the fish will come down and the traditional territories where a common fisherman does his job will be occupied by the new factories. That will not merely take away the jobs from the fishermen but possibly will have huge impact on the wild stocks.
Through this letter and in the light of the issues mentioned, I would ask the minister to peep into the matter before heading for the aquaculture industry. To me, for a sustainable fishing industry, the minister should prepare a fisheries policy that must ensure the livelihood of a common fisherman and protection of ecology and wild fish stock.If a poor fisherman and his family are economically content and the environment is protected from pollution, then the country can grow and flourish. The aquaculture will, otherwise, destroy everything.
ABDULLAH KHOSO
Karachi
http://www.dawn.com/2008/07/16/letted.htm#2
Danish tragedy
The murder of a Pakistani girl in Denmark by her family has sparked a fierce debate about the role of Islam and Pakistani culture in honour killing
By Abdullah Khoso
Uzair Jaleel, like several other Pakistanis in Europe, was worried over the killing of Ghazala, 19, in full view of several on-lookers and in broad day light by her elder brother. When on September 23, 2005 the news of this so called honour killing spread like a wildfire and reached Uzair, he was shocked. The incident made him look at himself to see if he wanted the same identity for himself as the girl's brother who shared with him the country of his origin -- Pakistan. While travelling in a train on the way to downtown Copenhagen, this is how he comments on the issue: "Everyone is pointing an accusing finger at us by denouncing Ghazala's death in one of the world's most democratic countries. These fingers symbolically make us conscious of not only what's being done now but also since unknown times.
"Reports say that Ghazala, a day before she was killed, married Abbas, a 27-year-old man of Afghan origin, supposedly without the consent of her family. Before their marriage, the couple escaped from their homes in Copenhagen's Amager locality to a nearby city called Jutland where they married secretly at the city hall. Ghazala then told one of her female relatives about her secret marriage. She did not know that she will be betrayed. In the attack that followed, her husband survived by a hair's breadth.Ghazala's killer was arrested soon after the murder, and after a month police arrested six more members of his family, all allegedly part of the conspiracy to hunt down and kill the unfortunate girl.Reports say a strong network of taxi-drivers is also involved in hunting her down. This is a fact acknowledged by Anne Mau, secretary of Denmark's National Association of Women's Crisis Centres, in an online newsletter 'Modern Tribalist'. Her association has provided protection to many immigrant women on the run from their families. She says Pakistani taxi-network works systematically to find the women out who flee their families. The drivers, she says, alert these women's relatives about their whereabouts. The families usually send a picture around of the wanted woman through the mobile phone. "Then the hunt begins," Mau says. "This way many women have been discovered on the street, caught, and delivered back to their families." Only few of them manage to make good their escape though it's not sure how long can they stretch it.
Ghazala, however, suffered something much more cruel than the disgrace and humiliation of a forcible reunion with the family. Belonging to a Gujar family, she apparently forgot that death was the only option for her family to 'redeem' its 'honour' which stood 'soiled' by her act of defiance. This is what several innocent girls suffer silently in her native country. "It is a horrible thing. Her family should have come to terms with her decision instead of her trying to reconcile with them. Her family should have realised that they live in Denmark which is not a fundamentalist society," says Jonathan Staav, a Canadian studying in Denmark. "I cannot even imagine doing what her brother did to her. There is millions of miles of distance between her brother's act and my thinking.
"It's quite logical for people like to connect an individual's act with the values and customs of the whole society where Ghazala had come from. "This act shows the society in question has failed to inculcate a true picture of good social and religious values in its members," is how a German student commented on the issue. Though many moderate Muslims would like to oppose honour murders but unluckily for them ever new stories about these murders keep being splashed in the media, taking in their range societies as distant and diverse as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Britain and Jordan. "This kind of act demeans the whole humanity, turning it into something inferior -- verging on beastly," says Shanker, an Indian-born Dane. Another Dane writes to Dhimmi Watch (an online news magazine), "It's primitive fascism." Still another local resident comments: "it is, a horrible, pre-meditated, senseless murder of the worst kind of a defenceless innocent woman, more so because it is done by people from her own family." In his anger, he forgets the difference between the individual and the collective and ascribes it to the "animalistic attitude" prevalent only among the Muslims. "There is no hue and cry from the Mullahs or any Muslims demonstrating against this murder of an innocent girl. (She was not even marrying a non-Muslim)."When western watchers and readers of acts like Ghazala's murder trace their relation to values of a country or Islam, it is comprehensible as well as painful for someone coming linked to them.
These acts provide Islam-bashers mouthful stuff to spit on the values of Islam. Which Mette, a Dane, is apparently right to say that "honour killing does not save honour". It rather brings down the honour of a whole family, a culture and a country.But at the same time these westerners should be forgiven if they see crimes like honour killing in broad day light in a religious and cultural context. Someone writing to Dhimmi Watch says the (gender) inequality, sanctioned by the Quran and strictly enforced by the Muslims, can only bring sorrow to those less equal. "Societal oppression is a foregone conclusion" under these circumstances. "Systemic theofascism would be a good pathological description for Islam."Like most people writing for this magazine, the identity of this person is not revealed. His/her anger leads her to rather drastic conclusions: 'Honour' murder is the kind of thing that comes to mind when I hear peaceful, moderate Muslims speak after each and every atrocity. They ceaselessly disavow terrorism while their own holy book and culture promote the same horror on their own flesh and blood. It's hard to wrap the mind around such twisted logic.
"Mohammad Ali Baloch, 32, who has been staying in Denmark for the last three years, opines that it's not others' fault if they blame Islam or Islamic culture for the crimes like honour killing. "Not everywhere one can and should practice obsolete tribal traditions, though they are central in our cultural system." Like everyone else back home, he was also taught how to value honour because it's important in the society back home "what people will say" if a woman of the family acts defiantly. During his years in Denmark, Ali seems to have become quite aware of the human rights and the value of upholding them. No wonder, he categorically condemns innocent Ghazala's killing for she had committed no sin.Jonathan Staav, the Canadian, is one of the few foreigners willing to see Ghazala's murder as an individual as an individual act, and not as a part of the whole called Islam. "Murder is murder; we should consider it no part of Islamic culture because Islam does allow his followers of any gender to marry as per their wish.
"Ihsan Miran, a Pakistan studying in Denmark, takes this opinion further and with much more vigour. "It has nothing to do with Islam and Pakistan, though people consider it an expression of something in Pakistani culture. But our constitution and Islamic teachings want us to be moderate human beings rather than act like barbarians as Ghazala's killer has done," he says.
The murder of a Pakistani girl in Denmark by her family has sparked a fierce debate about the role of Islam and Pakistani culture in honour killing
By Abdullah Khoso
Uzair Jaleel, like several other Pakistanis in Europe, was worried over the killing of Ghazala, 19, in full view of several on-lookers and in broad day light by her elder brother. When on September 23, 2005 the news of this so called honour killing spread like a wildfire and reached Uzair, he was shocked. The incident made him look at himself to see if he wanted the same identity for himself as the girl's brother who shared with him the country of his origin -- Pakistan. While travelling in a train on the way to downtown Copenhagen, this is how he comments on the issue: "Everyone is pointing an accusing finger at us by denouncing Ghazala's death in one of the world's most democratic countries. These fingers symbolically make us conscious of not only what's being done now but also since unknown times.
"Reports say that Ghazala, a day before she was killed, married Abbas, a 27-year-old man of Afghan origin, supposedly without the consent of her family. Before their marriage, the couple escaped from their homes in Copenhagen's Amager locality to a nearby city called Jutland where they married secretly at the city hall. Ghazala then told one of her female relatives about her secret marriage. She did not know that she will be betrayed. In the attack that followed, her husband survived by a hair's breadth.Ghazala's killer was arrested soon after the murder, and after a month police arrested six more members of his family, all allegedly part of the conspiracy to hunt down and kill the unfortunate girl.Reports say a strong network of taxi-drivers is also involved in hunting her down. This is a fact acknowledged by Anne Mau, secretary of Denmark's National Association of Women's Crisis Centres, in an online newsletter 'Modern Tribalist'. Her association has provided protection to many immigrant women on the run from their families. She says Pakistani taxi-network works systematically to find the women out who flee their families. The drivers, she says, alert these women's relatives about their whereabouts. The families usually send a picture around of the wanted woman through the mobile phone. "Then the hunt begins," Mau says. "This way many women have been discovered on the street, caught, and delivered back to their families." Only few of them manage to make good their escape though it's not sure how long can they stretch it.
Ghazala, however, suffered something much more cruel than the disgrace and humiliation of a forcible reunion with the family. Belonging to a Gujar family, she apparently forgot that death was the only option for her family to 'redeem' its 'honour' which stood 'soiled' by her act of defiance. This is what several innocent girls suffer silently in her native country. "It is a horrible thing. Her family should have come to terms with her decision instead of her trying to reconcile with them. Her family should have realised that they live in Denmark which is not a fundamentalist society," says Jonathan Staav, a Canadian studying in Denmark. "I cannot even imagine doing what her brother did to her. There is millions of miles of distance between her brother's act and my thinking.
"It's quite logical for people like to connect an individual's act with the values and customs of the whole society where Ghazala had come from. "This act shows the society in question has failed to inculcate a true picture of good social and religious values in its members," is how a German student commented on the issue. Though many moderate Muslims would like to oppose honour murders but unluckily for them ever new stories about these murders keep being splashed in the media, taking in their range societies as distant and diverse as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Britain and Jordan. "This kind of act demeans the whole humanity, turning it into something inferior -- verging on beastly," says Shanker, an Indian-born Dane. Another Dane writes to Dhimmi Watch (an online news magazine), "It's primitive fascism." Still another local resident comments: "it is, a horrible, pre-meditated, senseless murder of the worst kind of a defenceless innocent woman, more so because it is done by people from her own family." In his anger, he forgets the difference between the individual and the collective and ascribes it to the "animalistic attitude" prevalent only among the Muslims. "There is no hue and cry from the Mullahs or any Muslims demonstrating against this murder of an innocent girl. (She was not even marrying a non-Muslim)."When western watchers and readers of acts like Ghazala's murder trace their relation to values of a country or Islam, it is comprehensible as well as painful for someone coming linked to them.
These acts provide Islam-bashers mouthful stuff to spit on the values of Islam. Which Mette, a Dane, is apparently right to say that "honour killing does not save honour". It rather brings down the honour of a whole family, a culture and a country.But at the same time these westerners should be forgiven if they see crimes like honour killing in broad day light in a religious and cultural context. Someone writing to Dhimmi Watch says the (gender) inequality, sanctioned by the Quran and strictly enforced by the Muslims, can only bring sorrow to those less equal. "Societal oppression is a foregone conclusion" under these circumstances. "Systemic theofascism would be a good pathological description for Islam."Like most people writing for this magazine, the identity of this person is not revealed. His/her anger leads her to rather drastic conclusions: 'Honour' murder is the kind of thing that comes to mind when I hear peaceful, moderate Muslims speak after each and every atrocity. They ceaselessly disavow terrorism while their own holy book and culture promote the same horror on their own flesh and blood. It's hard to wrap the mind around such twisted logic.
"Mohammad Ali Baloch, 32, who has been staying in Denmark for the last three years, opines that it's not others' fault if they blame Islam or Islamic culture for the crimes like honour killing. "Not everywhere one can and should practice obsolete tribal traditions, though they are central in our cultural system." Like everyone else back home, he was also taught how to value honour because it's important in the society back home "what people will say" if a woman of the family acts defiantly. During his years in Denmark, Ali seems to have become quite aware of the human rights and the value of upholding them. No wonder, he categorically condemns innocent Ghazala's killing for she had committed no sin.Jonathan Staav, the Canadian, is one of the few foreigners willing to see Ghazala's murder as an individual as an individual act, and not as a part of the whole called Islam. "Murder is murder; we should consider it no part of Islamic culture because Islam does allow his followers of any gender to marry as per their wish.
"Ihsan Miran, a Pakistan studying in Denmark, takes this opinion further and with much more vigour. "It has nothing to do with Islam and Pakistan, though people consider it an expression of something in Pakistani culture. But our constitution and Islamic teachings want us to be moderate human beings rather than act like barbarians as Ghazala's killer has done," he says.
Seeking justice
A gory tale of domestic violence
By Abdullah Khoso
Ali Muhammad Themore, 22, was still persistent to stay longer besides her mother's grave in Ismail Themore village, about 50 kilometers to the south-west of Badin. He and four dozen other people -- including his maternal aunt, uncle and human right activists -- were waiting for the arrival of a board of doctors and police for the autopsy of Rahiman Themore, 45. But they did not turn up on the day and sent message to Ali, the son of Rahiman, that due to some personal problems they cannot make it and will now come on June 8.
Ali's hope for the justice had increased when after a month-long struggle the Badin Sessions Court judge had ordered not only the registration of Ali's first information report (FIR), but also ordered for the postmortem of his mother. Now with this gesture of medical board members, his hope has again changed into pessimism. "What if the doctors had come to examine my mother and had helped us to get justice," he says sadly.
Rahiman, mother of seven children, had died on April 22. "My father, Jumo alias Chitto, tortured my mother some months ago and did not let anybody to take her to hospital. As a result, she passed away on April 22," Ali informs. He adds that Chitto (which means 'mad' in Sindhi) had always tortured his mother in his absence: "I used to argue a lot with him and fought too, but could not save my mother. My father had placed a ban on my entry into our home."
Ali informs that when her mother died, his father did not tell anybody and buried her with the support of a few friends and relatives without any rituals. He tried persistently to get his complain lodged with the Shaheed Fazal Rahoo Police Station, but the concerned deputy superintendent of police (DSP) did not entertain him. One of the reasons for this was that the Chitto's brother, Adam Themore, is a worker of the ruling Pakistan People's Party (PPP). Besides his political affiliation, Adam is also famous for his criminal activities.
On May 30, after the Badin Sessions Court judge's order under the CRPC A&B, the DSP asked the station house officer (SHO) of Shaheed Fazal Rahoo Police Station to register Ali's FIR. Still the police have as yet not taken any action against the accused, who are free to harass those family members and human rights activists who want to bring them to the justice. Also, Rahiman's relatives have migrated from the village due to continuous threats from Chitto and other accused in the case.
In response to a complain from Ali and his maternal uncle, the Badin Sessions Court judge ordered the Hyderabad Director General Health on June 7 to form a medical board for conducting Rahiman's autopsy. On June 14, the DG formed a medical board comprising five members to examine the dead body on June 23, but this did not take place either and drove Ali to desperation.
Abida Jamali, a local human rights activist, says, "Rahiman's son Ali has been running from pillar to post to get the justice for the wounded soul of his mother." Abida adds that she has come across several physical torture and murder cases in the vicinity, but she has hardly seen anyone else pursue the case like Ali. "There is a dire need that all men join us to eliminate physical torture against women," she stresses.
Salam Memon, another social worker of the area, tells that physical torture against women is not uncommon in neighbouring villages. Women are tortured with punches, kicks and sticks. In his view, about 60 to 70 percent women in the neighboring villages are tortured. "We have been working to raise awareness about the rights of women, but it requires large-scale mobilisation. Rahiman's murder merited just a few words in the local newspapers," he laments.
About two years ago Pakistan became a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council, but sadly it has as yet not ratified its Convention against Torture (CAT). Only signing a convention does not make any difference and a lot of work needs to be done for curbing heinous acts taking place against women in our country. According to unofficial figures provided by the Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid (LHRLA), in 2007 about 2,300 cases of violence against women were reported in Pakistan. Of these, 1,739 fell under the category of physical abuse, while 72 women were brutally murdered.
Rahiman's murder can be looked from two aspects. One, her son is determined to pursue the case irrespective of the fact that his father would go to jail as a result. Two, the system of getting relief and justice is very painstaking. Initially Ali struggled to get the case registered against his father, because the DSP did not entertain him. Finally, after an unremitting hue and cry, he got the case registered but even this seems to be of no use. "Chitto is openly roaming in the area for two months, but the police have not arrested him yet," Ali laments.
(Email: abdullahkhoso@hotmail.com)
http://jang.com.pk/thenews/jul2008-weekly/nos-06-07-2008/pol1.htm#3
By Abdullah Khoso
Ali Muhammad Themore, 22, was still persistent to stay longer besides her mother's grave in Ismail Themore village, about 50 kilometers to the south-west of Badin. He and four dozen other people -- including his maternal aunt, uncle and human right activists -- were waiting for the arrival of a board of doctors and police for the autopsy of Rahiman Themore, 45. But they did not turn up on the day and sent message to Ali, the son of Rahiman, that due to some personal problems they cannot make it and will now come on June 8.
Ali's hope for the justice had increased when after a month-long struggle the Badin Sessions Court judge had ordered not only the registration of Ali's first information report (FIR), but also ordered for the postmortem of his mother. Now with this gesture of medical board members, his hope has again changed into pessimism. "What if the doctors had come to examine my mother and had helped us to get justice," he says sadly.
Rahiman, mother of seven children, had died on April 22. "My father, Jumo alias Chitto, tortured my mother some months ago and did not let anybody to take her to hospital. As a result, she passed away on April 22," Ali informs. He adds that Chitto (which means 'mad' in Sindhi) had always tortured his mother in his absence: "I used to argue a lot with him and fought too, but could not save my mother. My father had placed a ban on my entry into our home."
Ali informs that when her mother died, his father did not tell anybody and buried her with the support of a few friends and relatives without any rituals. He tried persistently to get his complain lodged with the Shaheed Fazal Rahoo Police Station, but the concerned deputy superintendent of police (DSP) did not entertain him. One of the reasons for this was that the Chitto's brother, Adam Themore, is a worker of the ruling Pakistan People's Party (PPP). Besides his political affiliation, Adam is also famous for his criminal activities.
On May 30, after the Badin Sessions Court judge's order under the CRPC A&B, the DSP asked the station house officer (SHO) of Shaheed Fazal Rahoo Police Station to register Ali's FIR. Still the police have as yet not taken any action against the accused, who are free to harass those family members and human rights activists who want to bring them to the justice. Also, Rahiman's relatives have migrated from the village due to continuous threats from Chitto and other accused in the case.
In response to a complain from Ali and his maternal uncle, the Badin Sessions Court judge ordered the Hyderabad Director General Health on June 7 to form a medical board for conducting Rahiman's autopsy. On June 14, the DG formed a medical board comprising five members to examine the dead body on June 23, but this did not take place either and drove Ali to desperation.
Abida Jamali, a local human rights activist, says, "Rahiman's son Ali has been running from pillar to post to get the justice for the wounded soul of his mother." Abida adds that she has come across several physical torture and murder cases in the vicinity, but she has hardly seen anyone else pursue the case like Ali. "There is a dire need that all men join us to eliminate physical torture against women," she stresses.
Salam Memon, another social worker of the area, tells that physical torture against women is not uncommon in neighbouring villages. Women are tortured with punches, kicks and sticks. In his view, about 60 to 70 percent women in the neighboring villages are tortured. "We have been working to raise awareness about the rights of women, but it requires large-scale mobilisation. Rahiman's murder merited just a few words in the local newspapers," he laments.
About two years ago Pakistan became a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council, but sadly it has as yet not ratified its Convention against Torture (CAT). Only signing a convention does not make any difference and a lot of work needs to be done for curbing heinous acts taking place against women in our country. According to unofficial figures provided by the Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid (LHRLA), in 2007 about 2,300 cases of violence against women were reported in Pakistan. Of these, 1,739 fell under the category of physical abuse, while 72 women were brutally murdered.
Rahiman's murder can be looked from two aspects. One, her son is determined to pursue the case irrespective of the fact that his father would go to jail as a result. Two, the system of getting relief and justice is very painstaking. Initially Ali struggled to get the case registered against his father, because the DSP did not entertain him. Finally, after an unremitting hue and cry, he got the case registered but even this seems to be of no use. "Chitto is openly roaming in the area for two months, but the police have not arrested him yet," Ali laments.
(Email: abdullahkhoso@hotmail.com)
http://jang.com.pk/thenews/jul2008-weekly/nos-06-07-2008/pol1.htm#3
Are we ready for the monsoon?
THE monsoon season is nearly here. It is the season in which clouds will start bearing the rumbling water from the Arabian Sea and will approach the coastal belts of Pakistan.
It is sure that we cannot stop heavy rainfalls, storm surges, thunderstorms and cyclones but we can reduce their effects on our lives.Maybe in the other parts of the country the monsoon brings joy but not in the coastal belts and the unplanned areas, particularly kutchi abadis. It results in floods that may cause deaths, diseases, injuries, deplacement of people and economic loss.
Particularly, in the low-level areas it can result in considerable commotion in transport and other services.In order to mitigate the risks from floods and rainwater, all the government’s line departments have to get ready.
These departments are health, education and works.The educational department must check the availability of space and toilet facilities and the health departments should look at all the available stock of medicines and human resources which will be utilised during and after the rain or emergency situation.
The works departments should stop digging holes and lines. If these are open, they should be covered on an emergency basis or should be restored to their original conditions.In addition to all of this, the line department concerned should call an emergency meeting of their staff and review cases and plan activities for the upcoming unknown situation.
These departments should meet and help each other if the situation is demanding that.The most vulnerable communities on the coastal belts are the fishing communities. The departments should meet them and create awareness in them about the strategies to be used in tackling these disastrous situations.I am sure that by these exercises we will be able to manage any possible emergency in an effective way.
ABDULLAH KHOSO
Karachi
http://www.dawn.com/2008/07/04/letted.htm#3
http://www.dawn.com/2008/07/04/letted.htm#3
Research Work
Research Work
As part of MA in Media Studies, I have written dissertation on the topic “How the media represent socio-cultural risks: a comparative discourse analysis of media texts about a religious minority (Ahmadis) and the majority in Pakistan”. It is a comparative study of different media outlets (the BBC, Dawn, Nawa-I-Waqt). It shows the media work under socio-cultural taboo systems.
At the end of first semester at the Roskilde University Centre (RUC) I as a part of group-work wrote a critical research report on the topic “Re-Imaging the Past: An analysis of how Federal Government of the United States has been able to affect what films are made and what types of images they perpetuate through Hollywood.” Available at http://dspace.ruc.dk/items-by-author?author=khoso%2C+abdullah.
During my career at Pakistan Institute of Labour Education of Pakistan (PILER), I wrote an analytical report based on fieldwork on the topic “Impact Analysis of Intervention for the Release and Rehabilitation of Bonded Labour in Pakistan.” The fieldwork was conducted in Sindh province of Pakistan. One of the results of the study was, all rehabilitation and release interventions are without long term planning and proper look after which result in the going back of ex-bonded labourer into the same vicious circle of debt bondage.
The second research activity at PILER was preparation of an investigative report based on fieldwork on the topic “Working Conditions of Fishermen in Pakistan.” I had conducted interviews, then piled up data in the report and submitted with the respective organization. Research shows majority of the fishermen work in informal setup and have no provision of social security benefits. These workers are marginalized in their industry.
During my stay with National Rural Support Programme, Pakistan, the major work I did was Market Research for the ILO-NRSP project in Hyderabad Sindh, “Prevention of Family Indebtedness with Micro-finance and other Related Service.” Formulated research design, conducted fieldwork, wrote report and submitted with the NRSP. Since, ex-bonded labourers in the camps (in the Hyderabad city of Sindh) do not have formal skills; therefore, survey was conducted to assess the more profit giving activities in the market, which do not involve much investment and skills.
In the fourth semester at the Quaid-I-Azam University (QAU), I conducted anthropological field research and in fifth semester wrote thesis as a compulsory part of M.A on the topic “Survival Strategies of a Fisherman Community of Manchhar Lake in Sindh.” It was an ethnographic study. It figured out various socio-economic strategies by the fishermen in dying ecology of the lake. The Manchhar Lake has lost its natural beauty because of continuous flow of saline-water from upper part of the country, which has resulted severe problems for the fishermen who have been living on the lake water for centuries.
As part of MA in Media Studies, I have written dissertation on the topic “How the media represent socio-cultural risks: a comparative discourse analysis of media texts about a religious minority (Ahmadis) and the majority in Pakistan”. It is a comparative study of different media outlets (the BBC, Dawn, Nawa-I-Waqt). It shows the media work under socio-cultural taboo systems.
At the end of first semester at the Roskilde University Centre (RUC) I as a part of group-work wrote a critical research report on the topic “Re-Imaging the Past: An analysis of how Federal Government of the United States has been able to affect what films are made and what types of images they perpetuate through Hollywood.” Available at http://dspace.ruc.dk/items-by-author?author=khoso%2C+abdullah.
During my career at Pakistan Institute of Labour Education of Pakistan (PILER), I wrote an analytical report based on fieldwork on the topic “Impact Analysis of Intervention for the Release and Rehabilitation of Bonded Labour in Pakistan.” The fieldwork was conducted in Sindh province of Pakistan. One of the results of the study was, all rehabilitation and release interventions are without long term planning and proper look after which result in the going back of ex-bonded labourer into the same vicious circle of debt bondage.
The second research activity at PILER was preparation of an investigative report based on fieldwork on the topic “Working Conditions of Fishermen in Pakistan.” I had conducted interviews, then piled up data in the report and submitted with the respective organization. Research shows majority of the fishermen work in informal setup and have no provision of social security benefits. These workers are marginalized in their industry.
During my stay with National Rural Support Programme, Pakistan, the major work I did was Market Research for the ILO-NRSP project in Hyderabad Sindh, “Prevention of Family Indebtedness with Micro-finance and other Related Service.” Formulated research design, conducted fieldwork, wrote report and submitted with the NRSP. Since, ex-bonded labourers in the camps (in the Hyderabad city of Sindh) do not have formal skills; therefore, survey was conducted to assess the more profit giving activities in the market, which do not involve much investment and skills.
In the fourth semester at the Quaid-I-Azam University (QAU), I conducted anthropological field research and in fifth semester wrote thesis as a compulsory part of M.A on the topic “Survival Strategies of a Fisherman Community of Manchhar Lake in Sindh.” It was an ethnographic study. It figured out various socio-economic strategies by the fishermen in dying ecology of the lake. The Manchhar Lake has lost its natural beauty because of continuous flow of saline-water from upper part of the country, which has resulted severe problems for the fishermen who have been living on the lake water for centuries.
My CV
Abdullah Khoso
D-4 Custom Officers’ Flat, Kiamari, Karachi
DoB: 01-02-1979, Email: abdullahkhoso@hotmail.com, Phone: 0092 3002964317
Experience
1- In the last March 2008, I started working with Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF: www.pff.org.pk) as a communication officer. Employer Contact Number 0092 21 5090543
Sachall Hall, Ibrahim Hyderi, Bin Qasim Twon, Karachi, Pakistan
As a communication officer I am responsible for publishing monthly English Fisherfolk Newsletter; preparing press releases on daily bases; updating the website; writing journalistic reports/articles in the leading newspapers, magazines on the fisherfolk issues and PFF’s struggle; preparation of annual reports and reports on the events including seminars, conferences, workshops, hunger strikes; preparing concept notes on different fisherfolk issues for financial help; conducting qualitative and quantitative research on different fisherfolk issues for supporting PFF’s advocacy campaigns; editing the write ups/reports prepared by the different programs officers at PFF; preparing fortnightly online News Bulletin and sharing it with partners, donors and civil society organizations within the country and abroad.
2- As a research associate I worked with Pakistan Institute of Labour Education and Research (PILER) Karachi from Nov-2003 to Sep-2005.
I worked mainly for two projects: “Empowering the Vulnerable Workers in Pakistan” as they can play a role in making their society just; “Impact Analysis of Intervention for the Release and Rehabilitation of Bonded Labour in Pakistan”.
My main responsibilities were to collect qualitative and quantitative data, and then to compile, analyse and present it in the form of reports, and share these reports with workers, activists, and journalists at different forums (seminars, workshops). Out of these reports, I used to produce briefings and issued press releases.
I played a major role in bridging a gap between labour organizations and other civil society groups in Pakistan. Within the programmes, I ensured constructive communication and positive working environment. I represented human and labour rights issues at all levels in association with the donor organizations and civil society organizations. I worked as a team member of the management to deliver outstanding results.
3-Researcher (intern) from April-2003 to November 2003 with National Rural Support Programme (NRSP), Islamabad, Pakistan. I was engaged in to collect qualitative and quantitative data from all Regions/Fields Units/Projects; carry out Situation Analysis; help in preparation of NRSP’s Monthly Programme Updates.
4- Interviewer with Population Association of Pakistan (PAP), Islamabad, Pakistan, from January-2003 to April-2003. I was responsible to conduct in-depth unstructured interviews, insert data into matrix sheets and after compiling it submit with the organization.
5- Research Anthropologist with the Department of Anthropology, Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad from November-2002 to January -2003. I was involved in the forming of male interview guideline, data collection in the field through in-depth unstructured interviews, analysis and report writing.
6- News Monitor’ and ‘Translator in English Language (Part Time) with SAHIL (An NGO working against Child Sexual Abuse in Pakistani Society), Islamabad, Pakistan. From November-2001 to June-2003. I was assigned to monitor and analyse the news appearing in the regional and national media relating to child sexual abuse in the Province of Sindh.
Volunteer Work
7- Volunteer (Customer Service Assistant) with Oxfam GB shop in Enfield town, UK, from
November 2007 to 20th March 2008.
My purpose was to assist the shop manager to achieve Division’s mission which is “to make as much as money as possible to overcome poverty and suffering” around the world.
Contact person: Sally Gordon +44 (0)2083677728
Education
Degree European Master of Arts in Media, Communication and Cultural Studies
Institute Roskilde University Centre (RUC) Denmark and Institute of Education (IOE)
University of London
Session September 2005 – June 2007
Majors Ideology, Identity and the Media; Film Theory and Documentary; Film theory
and Educational Practice; Communication Theories and Methods;
Globalization, Development and Communication.
Dissertation “How media represent socio-cultural risk: a discourse analysis of the media text
about a religious minority (Ahmadis) and majority (Sunni) in Pakistan”
Term papers *What is Postmodernism and Why is it Important in Cultural and Media Studies
*How Different Theories of Film Distribute Power Differently Between Text and
Spectator?
*Critical Evaluation of the Ideological Dimensions in Representing History in The
Rising: The Ballad of Mangal Pandey 2005
Degree MA in Anthropology
Institute Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan
Session January 2000 – June 2002
Majors Research Methodology; Introduction of Anthropology; Anthropology of
Economics; Political Anthropology; Anthropology of Religion, Anthropology of
South Asia
Dissertation “Survival Strategies of Fishermen of Shah Hassan of Manchhar Lake Sindh”. An
ethnographic study from an ecological perspective.
Degree B.A. in Economics
Institute Sindh University Jamshoro, Pakistan
Session January 1997 – December 1999
Majors: Macro and Micro Economics, Political Economics, Statistics
Skills
MS office applications (MS Word, Power Point),
Data Collection
Report Writing/analysing
Managerial/Organizational (events like seminars, workshops)
Languages: English, Sindhi, Urdu
Articles Published in the newspapers
1-Pollution through aquaculture (http://www.dawn.com/2008/07/16/letted.htm)
2-A crisis in making, http://jang.com.pk/thenews/jul2008-weekly/nos-20-07-2008/pol1.htm#5
3-Seeking Justice, 7 July 2008 (http://jang.com.pk/thenews/jul2008-weekly/nos-06-07-2008/pol1.htm#3)
4-Danish Tragedy, 29 January 2006
5-Laws in Infancy, 31 July 2005
6-Young, Eager Hands, 21 January 2004
7-Safety Nets for Fishermen, 28 November 2004
8-Too Young to Die, 18 July 04
9-Crime: A Cerebral Lust, 13-June 04
10-Informal Economy & Decent Work, 02 May 04
11-Giving Credit Where Its Not Due, 4 April 04
References
Mr. Kim Christian Schrøder, Professor, the Department of Communication, Roskilde DenmarkEmail: kimsc@ruc.dk, Phone : (+45) 46 74 38 08
Mr. Robert Ferguson,
Professor, the School of Culture, Language and Communication, Institute of Education, University of London. Email: r.ferguson@ioe.ac.uk, Phone: +44 (0)20 7612 6512
Mr. Zulfiqar Shah, Joint Director, Pakistan Institute of Labour Education & Research (PILER). Email zulfiqarshah@yahoo.com, Phone +92320 20 29 64 5
D-4 Custom Officers’ Flat, Kiamari, Karachi
DoB: 01-02-1979, Email: abdullahkhoso@hotmail.com, Phone: 0092 3002964317
Experience
1- In the last March 2008, I started working with Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF: www.pff.org.pk) as a communication officer. Employer Contact Number 0092 21 5090543
Sachall Hall, Ibrahim Hyderi, Bin Qasim Twon, Karachi, Pakistan
As a communication officer I am responsible for publishing monthly English Fisherfolk Newsletter; preparing press releases on daily bases; updating the website; writing journalistic reports/articles in the leading newspapers, magazines on the fisherfolk issues and PFF’s struggle; preparation of annual reports and reports on the events including seminars, conferences, workshops, hunger strikes; preparing concept notes on different fisherfolk issues for financial help; conducting qualitative and quantitative research on different fisherfolk issues for supporting PFF’s advocacy campaigns; editing the write ups/reports prepared by the different programs officers at PFF; preparing fortnightly online News Bulletin and sharing it with partners, donors and civil society organizations within the country and abroad.
2- As a research associate I worked with Pakistan Institute of Labour Education and Research (PILER) Karachi from Nov-2003 to Sep-2005.
I worked mainly for two projects: “Empowering the Vulnerable Workers in Pakistan” as they can play a role in making their society just; “Impact Analysis of Intervention for the Release and Rehabilitation of Bonded Labour in Pakistan”.
My main responsibilities were to collect qualitative and quantitative data, and then to compile, analyse and present it in the form of reports, and share these reports with workers, activists, and journalists at different forums (seminars, workshops). Out of these reports, I used to produce briefings and issued press releases.
I played a major role in bridging a gap between labour organizations and other civil society groups in Pakistan. Within the programmes, I ensured constructive communication and positive working environment. I represented human and labour rights issues at all levels in association with the donor organizations and civil society organizations. I worked as a team member of the management to deliver outstanding results.
3-Researcher (intern) from April-2003 to November 2003 with National Rural Support Programme (NRSP), Islamabad, Pakistan. I was engaged in to collect qualitative and quantitative data from all Regions/Fields Units/Projects; carry out Situation Analysis; help in preparation of NRSP’s Monthly Programme Updates.
4- Interviewer with Population Association of Pakistan (PAP), Islamabad, Pakistan, from January-2003 to April-2003. I was responsible to conduct in-depth unstructured interviews, insert data into matrix sheets and after compiling it submit with the organization.
5- Research Anthropologist with the Department of Anthropology, Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad from November-2002 to January -2003. I was involved in the forming of male interview guideline, data collection in the field through in-depth unstructured interviews, analysis and report writing.
6- News Monitor’ and ‘Translator in English Language (Part Time) with SAHIL (An NGO working against Child Sexual Abuse in Pakistani Society), Islamabad, Pakistan. From November-2001 to June-2003. I was assigned to monitor and analyse the news appearing in the regional and national media relating to child sexual abuse in the Province of Sindh.
Volunteer Work
7- Volunteer (Customer Service Assistant) with Oxfam GB shop in Enfield town, UK, from
November 2007 to 20th March 2008.
My purpose was to assist the shop manager to achieve Division’s mission which is “to make as much as money as possible to overcome poverty and suffering” around the world.
Contact person: Sally Gordon +44 (0)2083677728
Education
Degree European Master of Arts in Media, Communication and Cultural Studies
Institute Roskilde University Centre (RUC) Denmark and Institute of Education (IOE)
University of London
Session September 2005 – June 2007
Majors Ideology, Identity and the Media; Film Theory and Documentary; Film theory
and Educational Practice; Communication Theories and Methods;
Globalization, Development and Communication.
Dissertation “How media represent socio-cultural risk: a discourse analysis of the media text
about a religious minority (Ahmadis) and majority (Sunni) in Pakistan”
Term papers *What is Postmodernism and Why is it Important in Cultural and Media Studies
*How Different Theories of Film Distribute Power Differently Between Text and
Spectator?
*Critical Evaluation of the Ideological Dimensions in Representing History in The
Rising: The Ballad of Mangal Pandey 2005
Degree MA in Anthropology
Institute Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan
Session January 2000 – June 2002
Majors Research Methodology; Introduction of Anthropology; Anthropology of
Economics; Political Anthropology; Anthropology of Religion, Anthropology of
South Asia
Dissertation “Survival Strategies of Fishermen of Shah Hassan of Manchhar Lake Sindh”. An
ethnographic study from an ecological perspective.
Degree B.A. in Economics
Institute Sindh University Jamshoro, Pakistan
Session January 1997 – December 1999
Majors: Macro and Micro Economics, Political Economics, Statistics
Skills
MS office applications (MS Word, Power Point),
Data Collection
Report Writing/analysing
Managerial/Organizational (events like seminars, workshops)
Languages: English, Sindhi, Urdu
Articles Published in the newspapers
1-Pollution through aquaculture (http://www.dawn.com/2008/07/16/letted.htm)
2-A crisis in making, http://jang.com.pk/thenews/jul2008-weekly/nos-20-07-2008/pol1.htm#5
3-Seeking Justice, 7 July 2008 (http://jang.com.pk/thenews/jul2008-weekly/nos-06-07-2008/pol1.htm#3)
4-Danish Tragedy, 29 January 2006
5-Laws in Infancy, 31 July 2005
6-Young, Eager Hands, 21 January 2004
7-Safety Nets for Fishermen, 28 November 2004
8-Too Young to Die, 18 July 04
9-Crime: A Cerebral Lust, 13-June 04
10-Informal Economy & Decent Work, 02 May 04
11-Giving Credit Where Its Not Due, 4 April 04
References
Mr. Kim Christian Schrøder, Professor, the Department of Communication, Roskilde DenmarkEmail: kimsc@ruc.dk, Phone : (+45) 46 74 38 08
Mr. Robert Ferguson,
Professor, the School of Culture, Language and Communication, Institute of Education, University of London. Email: r.ferguson@ioe.ac.uk, Phone: +44 (0)20 7612 6512
Mr. Zulfiqar Shah, Joint Director, Pakistan Institute of Labour Education & Research (PILER). Email zulfiqarshah@yahoo.com, Phone +92320 20 29 64 5
Clandestine’ deforestation drive putting mangroves at even greater risk
A clandestine plan to clear out mangroves has been discovered by a visiting team of environmentalists. It is alleged that, once cleared out, the land near Ibrahim Hyderi and Gizri will be put to commercial use.
The Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF) have hurled allegations at the Defence Housing Authority (DHA) officials, saying that the area comes under the jurisdiction of the DHA.
A large number of people have been hired by the agents of the influential timber mafia to cut the endangered mangroves from inside the forests and they have destroyed wide expanses of mangroves from the inside of the forest, alleged a PFF spokesman while talking to The News. However, he said, this clever eradication of flora is not obvious from the outside.
The Sindh forest department had deployed officials near Rehri, a fishermen locality, to keep strict vigil over the move, but the officials have allegedly joined hands with the mafia to wipe out the mangroves.
When contacted, the local forest department officials claimed that they were there to impose fines against those caught red-handed. However, the situation observed by the visiting team reveals that influential officials, local sea lords and certain government bodies have initiated a joint move to clean the forest area, leaving millions of the city’s inhabitants vulnerable to natural calamities.
“When we entered the mangroves forest on boat we saw the horrible sight of trees being chopped down. People who introduced themselves to us as labourers on daily wages were axing live trees openly without any fear,” said Abdullah Khoso, who is conducting a study on mangroves and keeping an eye over the destruction of thick forests.
“It needs proper attention nobody can calculate how much area these people have already cleared. Each labourer is being paid Rs200 daily wages for the work,” added Khoso.
The concerned traders take the wood cutters to the forests on boat in the morning and pick them up in the evening. Timber is being transported by boats to the seashore where trucks and tractor trolleys are loaded with the ill-gotten cargo. This is an organised move and environmentalists have been unable to take notice of this up until now.
Though the activity takes place in broad day light, civic authorities as well as environmentalists are silent over the issue. It is unfortunate that the institutions made to safeguard the people and the natural resources of the country are completely dysfunctional and are destroying everything around there, the PFF spokesman added.
Mangroves are a sanctuary for shrimps, crabs, fish and a wide array of birds. The thick mangroves forests are now under extreme pressure due to lack of fresh water in the Indus Delta, coupled with the discharge of untreated effluents from industries and sewage from city. The increased demand for timber for fuel and other uses is also threatening the mangroves.
However, the present government has been seen to be reluctant to take immediate steps to stop the mass destruction of mangroves.
http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=123624
The Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF) have hurled allegations at the Defence Housing Authority (DHA) officials, saying that the area comes under the jurisdiction of the DHA.
A large number of people have been hired by the agents of the influential timber mafia to cut the endangered mangroves from inside the forests and they have destroyed wide expanses of mangroves from the inside of the forest, alleged a PFF spokesman while talking to The News. However, he said, this clever eradication of flora is not obvious from the outside.
The Sindh forest department had deployed officials near Rehri, a fishermen locality, to keep strict vigil over the move, but the officials have allegedly joined hands with the mafia to wipe out the mangroves.
When contacted, the local forest department officials claimed that they were there to impose fines against those caught red-handed. However, the situation observed by the visiting team reveals that influential officials, local sea lords and certain government bodies have initiated a joint move to clean the forest area, leaving millions of the city’s inhabitants vulnerable to natural calamities.
“When we entered the mangroves forest on boat we saw the horrible sight of trees being chopped down. People who introduced themselves to us as labourers on daily wages were axing live trees openly without any fear,” said Abdullah Khoso, who is conducting a study on mangroves and keeping an eye over the destruction of thick forests.
“It needs proper attention nobody can calculate how much area these people have already cleared. Each labourer is being paid Rs200 daily wages for the work,” added Khoso.
The concerned traders take the wood cutters to the forests on boat in the morning and pick them up in the evening. Timber is being transported by boats to the seashore where trucks and tractor trolleys are loaded with the ill-gotten cargo. This is an organised move and environmentalists have been unable to take notice of this up until now.
Though the activity takes place in broad day light, civic authorities as well as environmentalists are silent over the issue. It is unfortunate that the institutions made to safeguard the people and the natural resources of the country are completely dysfunctional and are destroying everything around there, the PFF spokesman added.
Mangroves are a sanctuary for shrimps, crabs, fish and a wide array of birds. The thick mangroves forests are now under extreme pressure due to lack of fresh water in the Indus Delta, coupled with the discharge of untreated effluents from industries and sewage from city. The increased demand for timber for fuel and other uses is also threatening the mangroves.
However, the present government has been seen to be reluctant to take immediate steps to stop the mass destruction of mangroves.
http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=123624
Sunday, May 18, 2008
Beyond enemy waters
Detained fishermen are languishing for nothing, says Abdullah Khoso
On October 11 2008, seven Indians arrived at Karachi’s Jinah Terminal Airport. The government of Gujrat, India, on behalf of Indian boat owners, had sent these men to recover confiscated boats – the poor Indian fishermen who used them now being in Pakistani jails. The purpose of the delegation was to survey the conditions of the confiscated boats for possible auction. Yet, they also brought with them letters from family members, for their loved ones now behind bars. “I will be looked on with suspicion if we are not successful in meeting with machawara (fishers),” Bharat Modi, a member of the delegate, confessed. “When I was leaving the village for the airport, to travel to Karachi, hundreds of fisherwomen gathered at my home, all wanting me to give messages to their relatives.”
According to Modi, 434 Indian fishermen now languish in Pakistani jails, almost all of them from the small village of Wanak Bara in District Diu of Gujrat, India. “There are mostly women left in the village,” Modi said. “All their men are in Pakistani jails.” And it’s not just the men. The boats they used – some 326 of them – were taken into the possession of Pakistani authorities. Of these, 186 boats have already been auctioned in Pakistani markets. On the other side of the border, a similar syndrome is in effect, though in lesser numbers. Official records list eight Pakistani fishermen in Indian jails, but the unofficial count is 55, said Veligi Masani, the leader of the Indian delegation. Eighty-seven Pakistani boats are also held by the Indian government.
Although the Indian Delegation was denied access to the detained fishermen – they did not have prior authorisation from the Sindh government -- these arrests are nothing new. Since 1987, both Pakistani and Indian authorities – the MSA in Pakistan, and the Coast Guard, Border Security Force, and the Indian Navy in India – have been arresting each other’s fishermen and confiscating their boats in the Arabian Sea. A total of 4,516 Indian fishers, with 729 boars, have been apprehended by Pakistan over the last 20 years, according to a 2008 study by the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF), a grassroots organisation that represents fishermen’s rights.
The rationale behind the arrests borders on ludicrous. The coast guards of the two rival nations officially consider the fishermen as spies or smugglers infringing on their sovereign waters. And so when fishermen unintentionally drift into “enemy” waters – due to engine failure or high tides, or because they are unable to find fish closer to home – they are picked up. But without any form of demarcation, it is difficult for fishermen to gauge exactly where the borders actually lie. What’s more, according to PFF, more often than not, fishermen are arrested even when they are within their country’s territorial boundaries. “Fishers usually do not cross borders, but security agencies violate international maritime laws and take fishers from the fishers’ own home waters,” said Gulab Shah, a fisher folk representative in Thatta District. “They bring more fishers for detention just to show their performance,” he added.
Fisher families maintain that illegal profit-making is also at work. On both sides of the border, agencies impound fishing equipment, fish and boats, often worth more than six or seven lakh, and then sell these in the market. In an ironic twist, the money gained from the sales is shared between Indian and Pakistan coast guard authorities.
In one of the more recent detentions, eight Pakistani fishers were captured in August 2008, and are now being held in Bhej Jail, Gujrat. Among those arrested was a 10-year-old boy. Days later, a 13-year-old boy, along with four other fishermen, were detained. On October 31, the Indian Coast Guard seized a Pakistani boat carrying seven crewmembers near Kajhar Creek, within Pakistani territorial limits.
On both sides of border, heart-wrenching stories abound. Many of those detained are the sole breadwinner in their family, yet it sometimes takes years for families to discover what happened to their husbands, brothers and sons. Janat, a resident of Rehri Goth, a coastal village of Karachi, did not know what happened to her husband, Achar, for four years, finally learning of his fate from a letter he sent from prison. Achar was arrested 15 years ago, and remains in an Indian prison today. The verdict, reached in 2006, was narcotics smuggling, Achar wrote in a letter to his wife. It took the Indian justice system 13 years to bring the case to court.
Achar’s mother, Mai Asi, 90, can only pray that she will be able to see Achar and his brother, who was also arrested 15 years ago, again. “One day Allah will send me back my children, she said with tears rolling down her wrinkled cheeks. “What can I do but pray for their safety and long life?” Mai Asi’s husband died of shock after he learnt of his two sons’ arrests, Janat, Achar’s wife, said.
On May 10 1999, Usman Sacho, Nawaz, Usman Ali and Zaman Khan, all of Karochan, Thatta District, went fishing and did not return. Five years later, in 2004, Usman Sacho’s family received a letter from Usman, telling them that the four men were alive and detained in Sabir Matti Jail in Ahmedabad, Gujrat under charges of smuggling. In his letter, Usman wrote, “We get very little to eat. Even our enemies should not have to stay in such a jail.”
A PFF representative, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said that jail conditions were poor and justice slow or nonexistent for fishers. With no one to pursue or support their cases, the fisher folk are a low priority. And, the representative said, “if anyone tries to approach or help them, he is looked on suspiciously and considered a spy.”
Another representative of PFF admitted that working for the detained fishermen was an onerous task. “Disclosing news about Indian fishers arrested by Pakistani agencies is not a big deal,” he said. “The problem arises when the media publishes news of Pakistani fishers arrested by Indian agencies quoting PFF as a source.” The office’s phones start ringing non-stop with intelligence officers interrogating them over the phone, he said, adding that PFF was threatened to reveal their sources. “Our answer remains the same, we learnt it through the internet and their [the captured men’s] fellow fishers.”
According to PFF, Indian and Pakistani forces have killed18 Pakistani and four Indian fishermen, respectively, over the last 18 years. Yet, there are simple solutions that could put an end to this tragic and unnecessary waste of life. That disenfranchised fishermen should be killed or held for years in prison without charge is a humanitarian atrocity, and more must be done to protect the civil rights of fishing communities, both in India and in Pakistan.
At the very least, a mechanism through which information can be passed in a timely manner to effected families must be put in place. Better, the families should be provided with economic relief. Each country must also improve their management of fisheries within their Economic Exclusive Zone to reduce pressure on fishermen to cross the border in search of a better catch. A bilateral solution must be reached. Abdullah Khoso lives in Karachi
This article published in The Friday Times. Fri, 12/05/2008.
On October 11 2008, seven Indians arrived at Karachi’s Jinah Terminal Airport. The government of Gujrat, India, on behalf of Indian boat owners, had sent these men to recover confiscated boats – the poor Indian fishermen who used them now being in Pakistani jails. The purpose of the delegation was to survey the conditions of the confiscated boats for possible auction. Yet, they also brought with them letters from family members, for their loved ones now behind bars. “I will be looked on with suspicion if we are not successful in meeting with machawara (fishers),” Bharat Modi, a member of the delegate, confessed. “When I was leaving the village for the airport, to travel to Karachi, hundreds of fisherwomen gathered at my home, all wanting me to give messages to their relatives.”
According to Modi, 434 Indian fishermen now languish in Pakistani jails, almost all of them from the small village of Wanak Bara in District Diu of Gujrat, India. “There are mostly women left in the village,” Modi said. “All their men are in Pakistani jails.” And it’s not just the men. The boats they used – some 326 of them – were taken into the possession of Pakistani authorities. Of these, 186 boats have already been auctioned in Pakistani markets. On the other side of the border, a similar syndrome is in effect, though in lesser numbers. Official records list eight Pakistani fishermen in Indian jails, but the unofficial count is 55, said Veligi Masani, the leader of the Indian delegation. Eighty-seven Pakistani boats are also held by the Indian government.
Although the Indian Delegation was denied access to the detained fishermen – they did not have prior authorisation from the Sindh government -- these arrests are nothing new. Since 1987, both Pakistani and Indian authorities – the MSA in Pakistan, and the Coast Guard, Border Security Force, and the Indian Navy in India – have been arresting each other’s fishermen and confiscating their boats in the Arabian Sea. A total of 4,516 Indian fishers, with 729 boars, have been apprehended by Pakistan over the last 20 years, according to a 2008 study by the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF), a grassroots organisation that represents fishermen’s rights.
The rationale behind the arrests borders on ludicrous. The coast guards of the two rival nations officially consider the fishermen as spies or smugglers infringing on their sovereign waters. And so when fishermen unintentionally drift into “enemy” waters – due to engine failure or high tides, or because they are unable to find fish closer to home – they are picked up. But without any form of demarcation, it is difficult for fishermen to gauge exactly where the borders actually lie. What’s more, according to PFF, more often than not, fishermen are arrested even when they are within their country’s territorial boundaries. “Fishers usually do not cross borders, but security agencies violate international maritime laws and take fishers from the fishers’ own home waters,” said Gulab Shah, a fisher folk representative in Thatta District. “They bring more fishers for detention just to show their performance,” he added.
Fisher families maintain that illegal profit-making is also at work. On both sides of the border, agencies impound fishing equipment, fish and boats, often worth more than six or seven lakh, and then sell these in the market. In an ironic twist, the money gained from the sales is shared between Indian and Pakistan coast guard authorities.
In one of the more recent detentions, eight Pakistani fishers were captured in August 2008, and are now being held in Bhej Jail, Gujrat. Among those arrested was a 10-year-old boy. Days later, a 13-year-old boy, along with four other fishermen, were detained. On October 31, the Indian Coast Guard seized a Pakistani boat carrying seven crewmembers near Kajhar Creek, within Pakistani territorial limits.
On both sides of border, heart-wrenching stories abound. Many of those detained are the sole breadwinner in their family, yet it sometimes takes years for families to discover what happened to their husbands, brothers and sons. Janat, a resident of Rehri Goth, a coastal village of Karachi, did not know what happened to her husband, Achar, for four years, finally learning of his fate from a letter he sent from prison. Achar was arrested 15 years ago, and remains in an Indian prison today. The verdict, reached in 2006, was narcotics smuggling, Achar wrote in a letter to his wife. It took the Indian justice system 13 years to bring the case to court.
Achar’s mother, Mai Asi, 90, can only pray that she will be able to see Achar and his brother, who was also arrested 15 years ago, again. “One day Allah will send me back my children, she said with tears rolling down her wrinkled cheeks. “What can I do but pray for their safety and long life?” Mai Asi’s husband died of shock after he learnt of his two sons’ arrests, Janat, Achar’s wife, said.
On May 10 1999, Usman Sacho, Nawaz, Usman Ali and Zaman Khan, all of Karochan, Thatta District, went fishing and did not return. Five years later, in 2004, Usman Sacho’s family received a letter from Usman, telling them that the four men were alive and detained in Sabir Matti Jail in Ahmedabad, Gujrat under charges of smuggling. In his letter, Usman wrote, “We get very little to eat. Even our enemies should not have to stay in such a jail.”
A PFF representative, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said that jail conditions were poor and justice slow or nonexistent for fishers. With no one to pursue or support their cases, the fisher folk are a low priority. And, the representative said, “if anyone tries to approach or help them, he is looked on suspiciously and considered a spy.”
Another representative of PFF admitted that working for the detained fishermen was an onerous task. “Disclosing news about Indian fishers arrested by Pakistani agencies is not a big deal,” he said. “The problem arises when the media publishes news of Pakistani fishers arrested by Indian agencies quoting PFF as a source.” The office’s phones start ringing non-stop with intelligence officers interrogating them over the phone, he said, adding that PFF was threatened to reveal their sources. “Our answer remains the same, we learnt it through the internet and their [the captured men’s] fellow fishers.”
According to PFF, Indian and Pakistani forces have killed18 Pakistani and four Indian fishermen, respectively, over the last 18 years. Yet, there are simple solutions that could put an end to this tragic and unnecessary waste of life. That disenfranchised fishermen should be killed or held for years in prison without charge is a humanitarian atrocity, and more must be done to protect the civil rights of fishing communities, both in India and in Pakistan.
At the very least, a mechanism through which information can be passed in a timely manner to effected families must be put in place. Better, the families should be provided with economic relief. Each country must also improve their management of fisheries within their Economic Exclusive Zone to reduce pressure on fishermen to cross the border in search of a better catch. A bilateral solution must be reached. Abdullah Khoso lives in Karachi
This article published in The Friday Times. Fri, 12/05/2008.
Sunday, February 10, 2008
This research is written for the general public, however, the motive behind this research is to make aware the students of the media and human rights activists about the freedom of the Pakistani Press. The Press in Pakistan avoids indulging itself in a risk situation by representing the minority and also reporting injustice against minority religious groups as a common attitude of society.
Communicating risk: majority and minority in the media text
On October 2005, in Pakistan, during morning prayers, two motorcyclists had attacked on Ahmadis’ place of worship, killed eight and inured fourteen people. this and the attacks before this on the Ahmadis place of worship are examined through the lenses of social and legal discourse frameworks of Pakistani society which place the Ahmadis in a risky position, and they are believed to be threat to Pakistani social and religious values. The Ahmadis are a religious minority in Pakistan and follower of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad who declared himself, the Imam and the prophet. In this respect, in 1974 the government of Pakistan declared them non-Muslims and heretical by amending the constitution of the country. In 1984, the Tuheen-e-Risalat (blasphemy) law was introduced for the Ahmadis. These laws are an outcome of the influence of the majority ruling Sunni-Muslim groups.
This October incident has been reported in local, national and international newspapers. The language of these reports is different from each other due to different geographic and socio-cultural set ups.
The two newspapers, the Dawn and the Nawa-i-Waqt, published from Pakistan have reported the incident in the social, cultural and the legal limitations: crossing these limitations is risk to these media outlets. The Pakistani media works as a bardic of the majority, the majority that controls power of the state. It represents majority as ‘us’ and minority as ‘the others’. The constitution of the country and other blasphemy laws work as taboo for the each individual at anywhere whether he or she works in the media or somewhere else. The day-to-day execution of Ahmadis is open threat to all who takes chance to represent Ahmadis as Muslims. the media if is out of the premises of Pakistan, for example, the BBC, it represents differently, whether it is the majority or minority, these both groups are portrayed as ‘the others’ because the BBC is not bound to any Pakistani legal and socio-cultural restrictions.
When the BBC represents two binary religious groups, the minority Ahmadis and majority Sunni, in Pakistan, its language of representation is mild for the victims and hard for the attackers and their religion. Sunni Muslims are represented as the terrorists and so their religion and Ahmadis are placed in a victimized position. It shows that Ahmadis are a peaceful community and have not crossed the boundaries of society demarcated by the majority ruling Sunni group. In the BBC, Ahmadis are Muslims and their place of worship is a mosque. According to the Laws in Pakistan, it is blasphemy if a Ahmadi call him/herself a Muslim and term his/her place of worship a mosque. Not only this but there are so many other taboos practiced against Ahmadis which bare Ahmadis be looking like Muslims. This is why the Dawn and Nawai-i-Waqt newspaper published from Pakistan have avoided using the language, which could show that Ahmadis are Muslims and their place of worship is a mosque. These newspapers see the Ahmadis in a similar way as the majority Sunni Muslim group.
By these activities and incidents, the media persons and human rights activists all over the world may suppose that the media in Pakistan has not come out of the clutches of the existing radical thoughts, which are believed to be anti-human, liberal and progressive thoughts. On the one hand, these activities show that the constitution of the country is made up of contrary regulations; it offers freedom to all to practice their religions and on the other, it does not allow few to practicing their religions.
In addition, this is a matter of great concern because the media seems as a part of the radical thoughts, and if not, but it is at least confined to the rules and regulations which stop the media to debate the issue and lead the society towards reforms. Reforming the country would not be easier until all the stakeholders of the society take initiative to remove the problems, which are hurdle in the progress of the country.
The Pakistani media communicates the incident according to the dominant discourse constructed by the majority. They might speak from a position of assumed consensus on other issues but in this particular case reflection of the cracks and inconsistencies may be risky for the media as it is for the Ahmadis.
according to Schroeder and Philips, communicate the message of the real originator (the audience) of the culture in which these are both located: “both functions under a cultural logic that obliges them to speak from a position of assumed consensus, but also to reflect the cracks and inconsistencies that may appear in that consensus” (p. 40).
Schroeder and Philips write that the appeal of bardic theory in defining “the relationship between the media and audience lies in its accentuation of the mutuality between media and citizens in the collective construction of the culture's discursive universe, and its exclusion of simple power and causal relationships” (p. 40). Mythen (2004: 77) also claims that the "[m]anufactured risks...are described as a 'pure media events' which serve to orchestrate public dialogue". He assumes that the media are a discursive place "in which political contestation about risk take places". Here Mythen supports Becks and Douglas' idea that risk has invariably been taken as a political issue.
Briefly, the concept of risk associated with the Ahmadi phenomenon has not been directly represented. It is not shown that the Ahmadis are a danger to the integration of the state. However, these are. In representing risks from the Ahmadis cultural and religious aspects are dominant over the Pakistani media’s own choice in representing ‘the others’. The Ahmadis are clearly represented as ‘the others’. In this case, the Pakistani media perform as bards of the Sunni Muslim culture in that they are powerless in addressing the issue in the way that outsiders (the BBC) can perform boldly. The BBC has represented the Ahmadis and radical Muslims in its own position, and is independent of any influence of power that works in Pakistan. In addition, the BBC cannot be the bard of Pakistani culture, because few people read the BBC news at its website and listen its programme in English in Pakistan. It is not a part of the culture; it cannot perform the role that the Pakistani media in Pakistan perform.
The intrinsic importance of the incident lies in the system where fixed terminologies are used to set apart one entity (us) from another (others). The news is formatted through specific sets of social and legal rules. In an anthropological sense, the response to risk is not atomized and individual but rather collective and cultural. The news reports in the Dawn and NW are a reflection of a social and ideological practice, or in other words a discourse that represents social facts within the frameworks of society. The formation of the language, according to given conditions and frameworks, supports the idea that the news reporting is greatly under the influence of current social and ideological processes. The neutrality of the language use is at stake. Also controlling those processes which are shown in these particular cases is not viable, because the dominant social behaviour rules over the process of news formation.
Thus, from an anthropological perspective, the formation of the perception of risk posed by ‘the others’ is collective rather individual. It is neither an issue of a few groups nor the problem of representing Ahmadis as ‘the others’ in the media, rather it is an issue of the common discourse of hatred against 'the others' (Ahmadis) which is being injected into the veins of the society. In order to eradicate such perceptions, people in Pakistan need rigorous efforts. There is also a responsibility of the state to allow the media to start a debate on the freedom of belief and practices.
The generalization of assumptions is very crucial point for this study, inasmuch as the size of sample is too small to see its implications with the media practices as whole, but it has a wider context, and in its contextual analysis some other news stories and facts are being presented to justify the generalization of certain risk assumptions.
Communicating risk: majority and minority in the media text
On October 2005, in Pakistan, during morning prayers, two motorcyclists had attacked on Ahmadis’ place of worship, killed eight and inured fourteen people. this and the attacks before this on the Ahmadis place of worship are examined through the lenses of social and legal discourse frameworks of Pakistani society which place the Ahmadis in a risky position, and they are believed to be threat to Pakistani social and religious values. The Ahmadis are a religious minority in Pakistan and follower of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad who declared himself, the Imam and the prophet. In this respect, in 1974 the government of Pakistan declared them non-Muslims and heretical by amending the constitution of the country. In 1984, the Tuheen-e-Risalat (blasphemy) law was introduced for the Ahmadis. These laws are an outcome of the influence of the majority ruling Sunni-Muslim groups.
This October incident has been reported in local, national and international newspapers. The language of these reports is different from each other due to different geographic and socio-cultural set ups.
The two newspapers, the Dawn and the Nawa-i-Waqt, published from Pakistan have reported the incident in the social, cultural and the legal limitations: crossing these limitations is risk to these media outlets. The Pakistani media works as a bardic of the majority, the majority that controls power of the state. It represents majority as ‘us’ and minority as ‘the others’. The constitution of the country and other blasphemy laws work as taboo for the each individual at anywhere whether he or she works in the media or somewhere else. The day-to-day execution of Ahmadis is open threat to all who takes chance to represent Ahmadis as Muslims. the media if is out of the premises of Pakistan, for example, the BBC, it represents differently, whether it is the majority or minority, these both groups are portrayed as ‘the others’ because the BBC is not bound to any Pakistani legal and socio-cultural restrictions.
When the BBC represents two binary religious groups, the minority Ahmadis and majority Sunni, in Pakistan, its language of representation is mild for the victims and hard for the attackers and their religion. Sunni Muslims are represented as the terrorists and so their religion and Ahmadis are placed in a victimized position. It shows that Ahmadis are a peaceful community and have not crossed the boundaries of society demarcated by the majority ruling Sunni group. In the BBC, Ahmadis are Muslims and their place of worship is a mosque. According to the Laws in Pakistan, it is blasphemy if a Ahmadi call him/herself a Muslim and term his/her place of worship a mosque. Not only this but there are so many other taboos practiced against Ahmadis which bare Ahmadis be looking like Muslims. This is why the Dawn and Nawai-i-Waqt newspaper published from Pakistan have avoided using the language, which could show that Ahmadis are Muslims and their place of worship is a mosque. These newspapers see the Ahmadis in a similar way as the majority Sunni Muslim group.
By these activities and incidents, the media persons and human rights activists all over the world may suppose that the media in Pakistan has not come out of the clutches of the existing radical thoughts, which are believed to be anti-human, liberal and progressive thoughts. On the one hand, these activities show that the constitution of the country is made up of contrary regulations; it offers freedom to all to practice their religions and on the other, it does not allow few to practicing their religions.
In addition, this is a matter of great concern because the media seems as a part of the radical thoughts, and if not, but it is at least confined to the rules and regulations which stop the media to debate the issue and lead the society towards reforms. Reforming the country would not be easier until all the stakeholders of the society take initiative to remove the problems, which are hurdle in the progress of the country.
The Pakistani media communicates the incident according to the dominant discourse constructed by the majority. They might speak from a position of assumed consensus on other issues but in this particular case reflection of the cracks and inconsistencies may be risky for the media as it is for the Ahmadis.
according to Schroeder and Philips, communicate the message of the real originator (the audience) of the culture in which these are both located: “both functions under a cultural logic that obliges them to speak from a position of assumed consensus, but also to reflect the cracks and inconsistencies that may appear in that consensus” (p. 40).
Schroeder and Philips write that the appeal of bardic theory in defining “the relationship between the media and audience lies in its accentuation of the mutuality between media and citizens in the collective construction of the culture's discursive universe, and its exclusion of simple power and causal relationships” (p. 40). Mythen (2004: 77) also claims that the "[m]anufactured risks...are described as a 'pure media events' which serve to orchestrate public dialogue". He assumes that the media are a discursive place "in which political contestation about risk take places". Here Mythen supports Becks and Douglas' idea that risk has invariably been taken as a political issue.
Briefly, the concept of risk associated with the Ahmadi phenomenon has not been directly represented. It is not shown that the Ahmadis are a danger to the integration of the state. However, these are. In representing risks from the Ahmadis cultural and religious aspects are dominant over the Pakistani media’s own choice in representing ‘the others’. The Ahmadis are clearly represented as ‘the others’. In this case, the Pakistani media perform as bards of the Sunni Muslim culture in that they are powerless in addressing the issue in the way that outsiders (the BBC) can perform boldly. The BBC has represented the Ahmadis and radical Muslims in its own position, and is independent of any influence of power that works in Pakistan. In addition, the BBC cannot be the bard of Pakistani culture, because few people read the BBC news at its website and listen its programme in English in Pakistan. It is not a part of the culture; it cannot perform the role that the Pakistani media in Pakistan perform.
The intrinsic importance of the incident lies in the system where fixed terminologies are used to set apart one entity (us) from another (others). The news is formatted through specific sets of social and legal rules. In an anthropological sense, the response to risk is not atomized and individual but rather collective and cultural. The news reports in the Dawn and NW are a reflection of a social and ideological practice, or in other words a discourse that represents social facts within the frameworks of society. The formation of the language, according to given conditions and frameworks, supports the idea that the news reporting is greatly under the influence of current social and ideological processes. The neutrality of the language use is at stake. Also controlling those processes which are shown in these particular cases is not viable, because the dominant social behaviour rules over the process of news formation.
Thus, from an anthropological perspective, the formation of the perception of risk posed by ‘the others’ is collective rather individual. It is neither an issue of a few groups nor the problem of representing Ahmadis as ‘the others’ in the media, rather it is an issue of the common discourse of hatred against 'the others' (Ahmadis) which is being injected into the veins of the society. In order to eradicate such perceptions, people in Pakistan need rigorous efforts. There is also a responsibility of the state to allow the media to start a debate on the freedom of belief and practices.
The generalization of assumptions is very crucial point for this study, inasmuch as the size of sample is too small to see its implications with the media practices as whole, but it has a wider context, and in its contextual analysis some other news stories and facts are being presented to justify the generalization of certain risk assumptions.
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